LONGMEADOW, United States — In recent years of the war, the state of poverty in Ukraine has grown increasingly dire. The most recent data from the World Bank estimated that 41.6% of the Ukrainian population is living below the poverty line, more than double the 20.6% recorded in 2021 before the full-scale conflict began, according to the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe.
Pervasiveness of Poverty
Valeria Frunza, a student at Kyiv National University of Construction and Architecture, told The Borgen Project in an interview that she has found the pervasiveness of poverty in Ukraine progressively more noticeable. “Poverty is common in Ukraine because prices have been rising for various services, but salaries and pensions have not,” she said.
In addition to economic inequalities within the nation, the wage gap between Ukraine and neighboring European countries is stark. “Compared to other European countries, the salaries in Ukraine are much lower. Many Ukrainians travel to these countries to work,” noted Frunza. The current minimum wage in Ukraine is about $194 per month.
Recalling a conversation with her father about the sold-out Formula One Austrian Grand Prix, Ira Lopatiuk, a high school student in Chernivtsi, told The Borgen Project: “I had the impression that attending this type of event is for ‘the elite.’ That’s where my dad stopped me and told me about the average salary in Austria, which is about five times bigger than the average in Ukraine. I was shocked, to say the least.” Lopatiuk had always envisioned such an event as a dream—a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity—and upon learning how casually people abroad attended, she grew despondent. “It felt as if I was left out from the community I love so much while so many other people can freely go to races as they please, and are not restrained by a problem they cannot solve,” said Lopatiuk.
Poverty in Everyday Life
A closer look at how these statistical disparities translate into daily life in Ukraine reveals struggles of food scarcity, utility dysfunction, and care and cost burdens. In 2025, the World Bank reported more than a third of Ukrainian households (35.4%) limiting their diet to only a few kinds of food, as food prices have cumulatively increased by 70% to 80% since the beginning of the war. Utility prices have increased significantly as well, in addition to disruptive attacks on energy infrastructure. Families are often forced to choose between paying for things like rent, medicine or heating and households with children face disproportionate financial strain due to limited childcare.
Although most people in Frunza’s community do not belong to the poorest class, she has observed how the struggle of poverty can strain people’s schedules and emotions. “People often have a part-time job to cover all their needs in addition to their main job. Older people are financially supported by adult children or they are still working despite their age. It affects their emotional state, but not as much as foreigners think, in my opinion,” said Frunza.
Lopatiuk also noticed many Ukrainians working multiple jobs for sustainable living, even those with terminal degrees and in learned professions. Speaking of the circumstances for Lopatiuk’s mother and himself, Lopatiuk’s father stated: “We were both Candidates of Sciences, both associate professors, and both employed full-time at a top-tier national university. I divided our combined salaries by the four family members and found that we were all living below the poverty line—below the subsistence minimum.”
Impact of the War
While poverty in Ukraine has long existed, the war that started in 2022 has undoubtedly exacerbated conditions. Constant attacks on housing, power grids, and water systems have forced millions from their homes, destroying personal property and local economies. Addressing the hardship of fractured households, Frunza said, “It has become more difficult because most men fight, and providing for the family is entirely on women, especially if there are small children.”
Additionally, Lopatiuk pointed out that the conflict has yielded more pathways for corrupt officials in Ukraine to personally collect money meant for public or relief services. “People keep stealing all the same, if not more. Some people gather humanitarian aid but instead of giving it to people in need, they sell it—once again just to get money,” she said.
Generational Disconnect
The way poverty affects the younger and older generations of Ukraine is discrepant, presenting distinct struggles on each end, beneath the overarching ones. An estimated half of the displaced people in Ukraine are children, more than four million children have had their education services disrupted, and traumatic attacks have widely inflicted psychological distress. Meanwhile, adults carry arduous unemployment, caregiving and financial burdens.
Frunza and Lopatiuk see the gap between the strains on each generation in different lights. Considering the unique matter the younger generation seems to face, Frunza argued that “young people refuse to accept what they have, and want to constantly live new experiences, travel, have more comfortable living and working conditions,” and that because of this, “society is already beginning to change irrevocably.”
Alternatively, Lopatiuk said, “I believe that younger generations suffer less, as we just try to find alternatives for making money, and we have the guidance of our parents who have suffered this economic crisis. That’s why I reckon it is easier for us.”
Structures of Poverty and Corruption
Before and beyond the impacts of the current war, imperialism and oligarchy have driven poverty in Ukraine by concentrating national wealth in the hands of a few elites while subjecting the economy to external geopolitical and corporate exploitation, in addition to immense corruption within the Ukrainian government.
Ukrainians are at unrest in the face of these issues but face the barriers of war, suppression and the immensity of the time meaningful change will require. “Corruption in Ukraine has a great impact on the whole country,” said Frunza, “starting with the heads of small villages and ending with the Verkhovna Rada. Ukrainians can go to rallies and try to change something, but during the war, such actions can do more harm than help.”
Frunza also noted that the influence and “inflexibility” of the generation that grew up during the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) intensifies present struggles, effectively “slowing down the development of the country in various spheres.” To liberate Ukraine from this, Frunza states that “the nation must completely eradicate Russia’s influence,” but that unfortunately, “it does not retreat and kills civilians every day to bring back the past. Ukrainians can change everything for the better with more active actions, but first the war must end. This hinders the development of the country the most to date.”
Undying Pride and Resistance
The suffering imposed by the systems and violence functioning to aggregate and perpetuate poverty in Ukraine, despite their harshness, have not gone unchallenged. Lopatiuk contended that while during the Soviet Union, resistance was more futile, as “the protests were suppressed, and the protesters killed,” today, protests endure, “and sometimes it is even successful.”
Frunza added that “the most famous actions of the people against the government took place in 2013 to 2014, when the Ukrainian president (Viktor Yanukovych) decided not to join the European Union, which would radically change some of the statutes.” In more recent times, activism has manifested in different forms, as Frunza said, “now people actively support the Ukrainian army, in order to accelerate the victory, and many volunteer organizations and centers have been created to help victims.”
In the face of these challenges Frunza and Lopatiuk expressed that they have dealt with complicated feelings about their futures, and that of the country. “Helpless is the best word to describe it. It is like the whole world has something out of your reach. Economic justice is what we truly need but I doubt we will have that in the nearest future. It is like a vine that has already grown too deep in our politics,” said Lopatiuk.
Nevertheless, the atmospheric, systemic quality of poverty in Ukraine remarkably has not erased hope among its citizens. “I love my country, even despite such shortcomings as corruption, and I hope that in time future generations will be able to correct the mistakes,” said Frunza.
Prospects of Solution
When it comes to solutions for poverty in Ukraine, “there is little individuals can do,” said Lopatiuk. As for the changes the government should implement, she argued for the creation of greater obstacles and stricter prohibitions to corrupt activity. “For example, the roads in my city—constant potholes, which spark the question: where does all the money go if not to repair the basics around town?” said Lopatiuk.
Frunza, agreeing with the necessity of administrative change, said that a future of eradicated poverty would initially require “complete replacement of the country’s governance, including local self-government,” as well as “the prohibition of people more than 55 years of age from holding leadership positions (mayor, president, deputies and deputies).”
The network of organizations supporting poverty alleviation and humanitarian efforts in the meantime are inciting change. For instance, the non-profit Razom for Ukraine delivers immediate humanitarian aid, hygiene packages, and first aid kits to families in war-devastated areas, and has deployed more than $205,000,000 of funds. Another notable organization, Nova Ukraine, has delivered more than $161,600,000 of aid, and has directly helped nearly 15 million Ukrainians since the full-scale invasion.
Ultimately, governmental transitions, alongside augmented efforts for humanitarian relief, social protections, an end to the war, and the endurance of Ukrainians’ resolute hope, could evoke substantial improvements for conditions of poverty within the country—a future that students like Lopatiuk, Frunza, and many other Ukrainians hold dear and have not given up on.
– Nilani Mathur
Nilani is based in based in Longmeadow, MA, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.
Photo: Flickr